The Government flew in over 20 military cargo planes loaded with ammunition. The entire NGO and UN community knew it was going to happen. And then it did. 30,000 people were displaced, over 100 killed, bombs were dropped, villages attacked, houses looted and burned, women raped.

I was there in February a day or two before some of the more vicious attacks. We evacuated colleagues after the bombs were dropped. We witnessed the gruesome horror of Darfur.

On my return to the UK, I was struck by the different responses to Darfur. Too many were simply indifferent to the death and war crimes. Those who were engaged demonstrated rather more moral passion than thought. One man, for example, telephoned me and told me I should be advocating a full-scale UK invasion of Darfur.

His reaction was understandable. Once we know about the crimes they make us passionate and angry. Our passion drives us to action but if that action is not supported by an intelligent understanding or analysis of the complexity of the issue, we are in danger of advocating measures that will make the situation in Darfur and Sudan worse. Good intentions are never enough. Africa is full of failures birthed from good intentions.

The war in Darfur – begun by rebel groups, predominantly from African tribes, who felt disenfranchised by a Government with an Arabist agenda – is particularly complex. The Government responded to the rebellion with impunity, arming Arab militias to fight a counter-insurgency supported by indiscriminate bombing. Over 200,000 people were killed and over 3.5 million have been displaced.

Currently, there are four wars being fought, each over-lapping and inter-linking with the others. There is a cross border war in which both Chad and Sudan governments are bombing the other and supporting militia groups to invade. There is an inter-state war led historically by SLA (Sudan Liberation Army), which has now splintered, and JEM (Justice and Equity Movement) against the Government of Sudan. There is an intra-state war between different tribes/ rebels and Janjaweed factions, which has led to multiple confrontations (including rebel against rebel and even Arab against Arab). And then there is the general lawlessness which saw bandits hijack over 130 UN and NGO vehicles in 2007 and abduct over 120 staff.

Most worryingly, there is the fear that a fifth conflict will also be outplayed in Darfur: global terrorism. Osama Bin Laden has repeatedly called for war against the UN in Darfur and on the 1^st January, the inaugural day of UN peace keepers in Darfur, two US employees were shot dead by an Islamist Extremist group.

The prospect for peace negotiations is bleak. Although the Government has twice come to the negotiation table, key members of the rebel groups have failed to attend. The SLA has now splintered into at least four groups and there are two other major rebel groups, the JEM and NRF (National Redemption Front), to account for. They are not cohesive, do not have a united front and are not ready to negotiate.

So what can we do?

First, we must support and empower the ICC (International Criminal Court) to bring to justice. The Government has committed many human rights abuses which we must document and condemn.^[1] But so have the rebels have and not to condemn these would rightly bring accusations of bias from the Sudan Government.

Second, we must support UNAMID. As the peace-keepers on the ground, this force urgently needs highly-trained and equipped troops. Britain must do more to supply equipment, particularly helicopters. A parliamentary meeting on the subject earlier this year concluded with no firm recommendations or action points. A strong UN force is essential to protect civilians and gradually enforce peace for communities ravaged by war for too long. Only this will create an environment conducive to peace.

Third, we should engage diplomatically with the rebels. The rebel movements need carrot and stick diplomacy to encourage them to unite, agree to peace negotiations, and formulate and agree on positions on key issues. This will take time.

Fourth, we need to pay more diplomatic attention to the Government of South Sudan, which, in contrast to its northern counterpart, welcomes the support of the British Government. We let Darfur erupt through neglect while we were trying to help the southern peace process. We are in danger of now staring at Darfur at the cost of peace in the south. This would be more disastrous even than Darfur. In particular, we need to pay attention to Abyei, a region bordering north and south Sudan, which has the same look about it as Darfur did five years ago.

Finally, we need to pressure China to exert its significant influence in the region, to stop the Government of Sudan hindering UN Peace keepers and arming local tribes.

None of these measures is as decisive as military invasion or as hopeful as peace negotiations. Some will even condemn them as a thinly-disguised counsel of despair. But they are necessary pre-requisites for peace negotiations and could prevent an escalation of the conflict into other regions.

The situation in Darfur is both horrific and complex. Much as the former compels us to resolute and determined action, the latter advises vigilance and understanding.

Ed Walker has worked for six years in Sudan. He has spent the last three years as Programme Director of Tearfund’s Darfur Disaster Management Team. He is the author of Reflections from the Scorched Earth, and is available for discussions on Darfur and Sudan.